epieikeia

Burzio (1996) dispenses with the necessity of UR based on the discussion on stress licensing and allomorphy, which are the two crucial motivations for positing UR in phonological analysis. Instead, he proposes anti-allomophy (AA), which is a group of output-output faithfulness constraints.

The underlying assumptions for positing UR is 1) phonological process is mediated by rewrite rules (derivational) and 2) the less in the lexicon, the better in terms of efficiency (which is based on a further underlying assumption that computation (rule application) is free of effort). Burzio shows both of these fundamental assumptions is not supported by neither conceptual nor empirical evidence, due in large part to the transition of the theoretical framework from derivational rule-based phonology to constraint-based (OT) phonology.

He also provides a wide range of evidence to support his argument for UR-less phonology, such as the stress pattern of compensate-compensation vs. condense-condensation. Furthermore, he argues that his analysis is attractive in a sense that it goes along with psycholinguistics (and connectionism). The fact that psycholinguists have not shown that human grammar is processed in a serial manner indirectly supports the view that there is no cyclic operation in human grammar.

Reference
Burzio, Luigi. 1996. Surface constraints versus underlying representation. In Durand & Laks (eds.) Current Trends in Phonology: Models and Methods. Salford, Manchester: University of Salford Publications.